Regovanje Koalicije KUM na namjeru opštine Ulcinj da izvrši prenamjenu prostora Borove šume

Koalicija za transparentnost i borbu protiv korupcije na lokalnom nivou (KUM) podržava napore nevladinih aktivista i građana Ulcinja da zaštite prostor Borove šume i poziva lokalnu vlast u Ulcinju da uvaži glas sopstvenih građana, ali i da se odgovorno odnosi prema resursima koje ova opština ima. 

Podsjećamo da građani Ulcinja nijesu imali blagovremene informacije o planovima i pokušajima prenamjene prostora Borove šume od strane opštine Ulcinj. PUP-om Ulcinja, kroz netransparentan proces, ovaj prostor je predviđen za turizam i izrađen je i nacrt DUP-a ,ali je isti dobio negativno mišljenje od Komisije za reviziju (12.06.2019). Samim tim, nije ni u zakonskom roku u lokalnom parlamentu usvojen. Takođe, tokom gotovo devet godina rada na PUP-u i dvije javne rasprave, Borova šuma nije bila pomenuta, već su u fokusu bile druge oblasti, poput Velike plaže, Solane, Ade Bojane, Valdanosa, Šasa i Limana/Maslinjaka. Iako je bila predviđena valorizacija Borove šume nije bilo jasno u kojoj razmjeri će se to razvijati, osim dijela koji se odnosi na izgradnju novog hotela Galeb (na mjestu starog hotela), što su građani podržali, jer je taj hotel nekad predstavljao jedan od simbola turizma.

U aprilu ove godine je jedno lice iz regiona gradilo "restoran" u jedinom proširenju Borove šume, čak je i bagerom ušao i kako je naveo "čistio svoju imovinu". Na to su građani Ulcinja organizovali protest i tražili od opštinskih vlasti da stavi trajni moratorijum na čitav prostor Borove šume. Protesti su održani 7. i 23. maja 2019, pored zgrade Opštine Ulcinj, i građani su tada predali i zahtjev za pokretanje formalne zaštite Borove šume. Na žalost, opštinske vlasti nijesu svoje građane udostojile ni odgovora. Nezadovoljstvo građana, kao i nevladinih organizacija, je aktualizirano nakon što je objavljena informacija da je Vlada Crne Gore donijela Odluku o izradi DUP-a „Pinješ – Borova šuma“, kao i Odluku o izradi DUP-a „Hoteli i vile visoke kategorije“, takođe na Pinješu. To je bio znak i da je Opština Ulcinj, suprotno iskazanom stavu građana i javnom interesu, tražila od MORT-a ponovnu izradu DUP-a u Borovoj šumi. Građani Ulcinja su nastavili na izražavaju nezadovoljstvo i putem socijalnih mreža, a što je dinamizirano nakon objavljivanja informacije da je postignut dogovor između Vlade i Opštine Ulcinj za ustupanje zemljišta (8000m2) zarad deblokade opštinskog žiro računa. Tada je iniciran i novi protest ispred opštine i preko opštinske arhive uručen je zahtjev, koji je potpisalo 300 građana, da se zaštiti Borova šuma. Opština je na to reagovala objavom nepotpisanog saopštenja i pokušajem diskreditacije prepoznate aktivistkinje Zenepe Lika. Taj napad je bio činjenično neutemeljen što je koleginica Lika dokazala, ali je ukazao da je građanski protest iznenadio i čini se, na kratko, i uplašio ulcinjske vlasti. Opština je, podsjećamo, zabranila građanima koji su protestvovali da priključe ozvučenje na struju u zgradi opštine, iako je ti isti građani plaćaju. 

Koalicija KUM izražava zabrinutost što opštinske vlasti u Ulcinju istrajavaju da ovaj proces, uprkos jasno izraženom protivljenju građana, završe a na što ukazuje i današnja izjava predsjednika opštine, koji je najavio skoru uplatu sredstava od strane Vlade opštini Ulcinj, a za što će opština Ulcinj žrtvovati i Borovu šumu – svoju jedinu zelenu površinu u jezgru grada i svojevrsno “otvoreno liječilište” građana Ulcinja.

Lokalne vlasti treba ne smiju grubo ignorisati građanske inicijative, a posebno ne one koje su u pravcu zaštite resursa same opštine i u javnom interesu. 

Koaliciju za transparentnost i borbu protiv korupcije na lokalnom nivou (KUM) čini 18 OCD i to: Centar za građansko obrazovanje (CGO), Centar za monitoring i istraživanje (CeMI), UL-Info iz Ulcinja, Institut alternativa (IA), Za Druga iz Petrovca, Centar za razvoj nevladinih organizacija (CRNVO), Juventas, Bonum iz Pljevalja, Aktivna zona sa Cetinja, Bjelopoljski demokratski centar, Centar za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore (CIN CG), Sindikat doktora medicine Crne Gore, Centar za bezbjednosna, sociološka i kriminološka istraživanja „Defendologija” iz Nikšića, Monitoring grupa Ulcinj – MogUL, Centar za političku edukaciju iz Nikšića, NVO Da zaživi selo iz Pljevalja, Monitorov centar za demokratiju i medije (MCDM) i Društvo Dr Martin Schneider-Jacoby iz Ulcinja. 

Kolicija je formirana u okviru projekta “Smjestimo korupciju u muzej!”, koji realizuje CGO u saradnji sa partnerima i uz podršku Delegacije EU u Crnoj Gori i Ministarstva javne uprave Vlade Crne Gore. Stavovi izraženi u ovom saopštenju isključiva su odgovornost članica Koalicije KUM i ne odražavaju nužno stavove EU i Ministarstva javne uprave.

Greška je sistemska i odavno je uočena. Naime, Zakon o radu zabranjuje raskid ugovora o radu sa zaposlenom koja ostane u drugom stanju ili planira trudnoću, ali ne štiti one koje su ugovor zaključile na određeno vrijeme, što poslodavci u velikom broju slučajeva koriste da ga ne produže

,,Svaka tri mjeseca produžavali su mi ugovor na određeno vrijeme. Nakon godinu i po takvog rada, kada sam poslodavca obavijestila da sam trudna odmah mi je rečeno da nema više posla za mene u toj firmi'', priča za Monitor Podgoričanka kojoj dijete sada ima dvije godine i koja mjesecima ne može da nađe posao jer jedno od glavnih pitanja na tzv. intervjuima za zaposlenje je da li planira da ima još djece.

,,Šta da odgovorim na takvo pitanje? Uvijek me bude stid i njih i sebe. Prinude te da biraš između majčinstva i zaposlenja. Ne bi se odrekla materinstva, pa da mi nude platu od 3.000, a ne bijednih 300 eura. I da te mršnu kad im se prohtije'', priča.

Poslodavac je otpustio 53 odsto ispitanica zbog trudnoće, pokazalo je istraživanje Centra za ženska prava koje je obuhvatilo 143 ispitanice koje su bile trudne barem jednom od 2008. Ovo istraživanje, koje je prezentovano prije nekoliko mjeseci, pokazalo je i da svaka treća žena koja je u prethodnih deset godina bila trudna nije bila plaćena tokom porodiljskog odustva, odnosno nije primala državne beneficije.

Greška je sistemska i odavno je uočena. Naime, Zakon o radu zabranjuje raskid ugovora o radu sa zaposlenom koja ostane u drugom stanju ili planira trudnoću, ali ne štiti one koje su ugovor zaključile na određeno vrijeme, što poslodavci u velikom broju slučajeva koriste da ga ne produže.

,,Jedna od najčešćih pritužbi naših koleginica, koja je u potpunosti opravdana, odnosi na činjenicu da Zakonom o radu nije propisana apsolutna zabrana davanja otkaza zaposlenoj ženi dok je trudna, ukoliko je zaposlena na određeno vrijeme’’, kaže za Monitor  Ivana Mihajlović, savjetnica za pravna pitanja u Uniji slobodnih sindikata CG.

Objašnjava da ,,samo žena kojoj u toku trajanja ugovora o radu na određeno vrijeme otpočne porodiljsko bolovanje, ima privremenu zaštitu od otkaza do povratka sa porodiljskog bolovanja, dok zaposlena žena koja otpočne trudiničko bolovanje u toku trajanja ugovora o radu ne uživa ovakav tretman. Ovaj i ovakav izuzetak govori kako o odnosu zakonodavca prema materinstvu i natalitetu, tako i o činjenici da ugovor o radu na određeno vrijeme predstavlja klasičan primjer prekarnog ugovora koji u potpunosti zaposlene stavlja u podređen i nesiuran položaj’’.

Statistika govori da je od 100 zaključenih ugovora o radu preko 90 onih koji su zaključeni na određeni vremenski period.

Mihajlović kaže da sindikat insistira na ,,propisivanju zakonske obaveze da poslodavci ne smiju raskinuti radni odnos sa ženama koje su angažovane na određeno vrijeme, a nalaze se na trudničkom bolovanju, s tim da država preuzme obavezu da poslodavcu preko centra za socijalni rad refundira naknadu zarade za vrijeme tog odsustva’’.

Velika su očekivanja od novog zakona o radu, koji bi ovo pitanje trebao da reguliše. Advokatica Maja Živković koja se udruženju Roditelji bavi ovom tematikom za Monitor kaže da su trudnice potpuno nezaštićene:  ,,Svi željno isčekujemo novi Zakon o radu kojim je predviđeno da trudnice ubuduće budu zaštićene na isti način kao i porodilje, ali se čekanje odužilo i više od dvije godine. Dešava se da zaposlene trudnice odu na trudničko bolovanje i shvate da im nije produžen ugovor o radu tek onda kada odu da produže trudničko’’.

Koordinatorka radne grupe za izradu nacrta zakona doc. dr Vesna Simović-Zvicer najavila je da će novim zakonom biti predviđeno da će ženi kojoj ugovor o radu ističe za vrijeme odsustva sa rada zbog održavanja trudnoće, radni odnos produžiti dok koristi to pravo, a nakon toga i dok traje poroditeljko i roditeljsko odsustvo. Produženje ugovora o radu predviđeno je i za oca djeteta koji koristi roditeljsko odsustvo.

,,Do sada smo u radu uglavnom imali pritužbe žena koje su zaposlene u privatnom sektoru, na određeno vrijeme i koje su tražile zaštitu od diskriminacije. Njihovi zahtjevi odnosili su se na problem neuplaćivanja doprinosa za socijalno osiguranje, kao i na izostanak produžavanja ugovora o radu zaključenog na određeno vrijeme, zbog trudnoće’’, kazali su za Monitor iz Institucije zaštitnika ljudskih prava I sloboda.

Iz kancelarije Obudsmana ukazuju na nekoliko slučajeva u kojima su reagovali. U jednom je radnica nakon isteka ugovora na određeno dobila otkaz u sedmom mjesecu trudnoće, nakon pet godina rada, u drugom slučaju je radnici, nakon sedam godina rada na istom mjestu, rečeno da nema pravo na trudničko i porodiljsko odsustvo.

I za naš list iz kancelarije Ombudsmana su ponovili da je prvenstveno neophodno  pojačati ulogu inspekcijskih službi. A druge strane iz Inspekcije rada su više puta priznali da  su nemoćni, ili njihovim rječnikom kazano ,,nemaju mehanizme’’ da zaštite trudnice, pa im preporučuju da se obrate nadležnom sudu.

Iz udruženja Roditelji problematizuju i pitanje iznosa nadoknade, odnosno plate u toku trudničkog ali i porodiljskog. ,,Dio poslodavaca isplaćuje samo dio zarade preko žiro računa, a ostatak na ruke, pa u toku odsustava samo taj prijavljeni iznos daje trudnici/porodilji jer mu se on samo i refundira od države. Često zbog toga žene povezuju pravo na refundaciju sa sobom, ne shvatajući da je to pravo poslodavca i da bez obzira na refundaciju one treba da dobijaju zaradu kao i prije odlaska na odsustvo’’, kaže Živković.

Ona ističe i da je ,,problem siva ekonomija i uslovljavanja žena refundacijom, a za to je potrebna mnogo veća promjena sistema, koju ni ne znamo koliko je realno očekivati. Siva ekonomija i u ovoj oblasti pokazuje koliko šteti građaninu, u ovom slučaju majkama’’.

Prema podacima Ministarstva rada i socijalnog staranja u Crnoj Gori je u januaru prošle godine bilo 2.106 porodilja koje su u radnom odnosu, a u decembru 1.462. Nezaposlenih porodilja, registrovanih u Zavod za zapošljavanje, bilo je ukupno u januaru 3.782, a u decembru 3.275.

Iz kancelarije Ombudsmana ističu: ,,Zabrinjavajuće je da u ovim spornim situacijama žene uglavnom nisu imale neki problem u vidu propusta u radu, nediscipline ili drugih vrsta nepoštovanja radnih obaveza, ali im jednostavno dalje nije bio zaključivan ugovor na određeno, što je nedopustivo’’. Za ,,grijeh’’ im je uzeto što su trudne.

Sve ovo se dešava u zemlji koju već deceniju mori bijela kuga i iz koje mladi bježe ne osvrćući se.

Predrag NIKOLIĆ

Posljednja povreda na radu bila je prije 462 dana, kada je radnik zbog kvara na liftu istegao mišić. Praksa i procedure primjenjuju se iznad zakonskih zahtjeva, u skladu sa standardima poznatog svjetskog konzorcijuma 

Radnik obezbjeđenja pokazuje rukom na ulaz u zgradu pored kapije. Put vodi do kraja hodnika i vrata iza kojih se ukazuje prostorija, poput male, ali moderne učionice. Na zidu je veliki ekran, a na osam stolova postavljeni su tablet uređaji.

Sa ekrana kreće film od sedam i po minuta o tome kako bi se trebalo ponašati unutar fabričkog kruga i u pogonima, o standardima zaštite na radu i čuvanja životne okoline.

Sljedeći korak je test. Potrebno je na tabletu odgovoriti na šest pitanja koja se odnose na informacije iz filma. Najmanje četiri tačna su neophodna da bi informacioni sistem odobrio elektronsku propusnicu, inače ništa od posjete.

Tako se već godinu i po ulazi u nikšićku pivaru. Standardi vlasnika, internacionalne kompanije “Molson Coors“, koji važe u desetinama poznatih pivara širom svijeta, preseljeni su i pod Trebjesu.

Opisani ulazak je dio lakše procedure i važi za posjetioce, poput ekipe Centra za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore (CIN-CG) i Vijesti, koja u okviru projekta “Zdravi i sigurni u privatnim i stranim preduzećima”, uz podršku Ministarstva rada i socijalnog staranja, istražuje kako se realizuju zakonske mjere zaštite na radu u bivšim državnim kompanijama nakon privatizacije.

Radnici drugih kompanija koje izvode radove u pivari ili pružaju neke usluge, moraju pogledati film od 24 minuta i odgovoriti na 18 pitanja. Položeni test, važi 12 mjeseci.

Nikšićka Pivara je privatizovana 1997. godine. Za 22 godine, usljed kretanja na globalnom tržištu, bilo je više preprodaja. “Molson Coors” je peti vlasnik. Nasuprot brojnim sumnjivim, burazerskim i ofšorskim transakcijama, Trebjesa je rijedak primjer crnogorske privatizacije kojom su stigli i nova poslovna kultura i standardi, uključujući i mjere zaštite na radu. Činjenice o tome pomalo asociraju na tekuću reklamnu kampanju, parodiju francuskog filma “Putnici”, kojom se sugeriše da su moderna vremena, a jedino je pivo istog kvaliteta.

Trebjesa je prošle godine imala poslovni prihod od 31 miliona eura i neto profit od 3,2 miliona eura. Ima 230 zaposlenih, a prosječna neto zarada je 850 eura, što je za 65 odsto više od crnogorskoj prosjeka od 510 eura. Na svako oglašeno slobodno radno mjesto dobijaju desetine prijava.

Broje dane bez povreda

Zaposlene i posjetioce pored ulazne kapije dočekuje i bilbord na kojem, pored osnovnog gesla kompanije “Bezbjednost na prvom mjestu”, piše koliko je dana proteklo od posljednjeg incidenta na radu sa povredom zaposlenih, ili posjetilaca i radnika podizvođača. Naveden je i najbolji rezultat, najduži period između dva incidenta i u tome se takmiče sa ostalim pivarama iz grupe.

Na dan posjete novinara CIN-CG, pisalo je da su protekla 462 dana od posljednjeg incidenta, kada se pokvario teretni lift, greškom firme koja ga je održavala, a radnik u njemu istegao mišić. Najduži period bez povrede na radu u pogonima fabrike je 837 dana. Posljednji incident u kojem je učestvovao posjetilac, ili radnik strane firme desio se prije 5.688 dana ili 15 i po godina, zbog nepažnje u saobraćaju.

Posljednji teži incident desio se prije pet godina kada je eksplodirao ventil pod pritiskom i ozbiljno povrijedio radnika. Inspekcija zaštite na bilježi i da je 2016. godine, prilikom otpreme piva, viljuškarom jednom radniku povrijeđena noga. U svim slučajevima inspektori su utvrdili da nije bilo propusta poslodavca.

“Trebjesa, kao dio velike svjetske pivarske porodice, ogromnu pažnju, energiju, resurse i novac poklanja bezbjednosti i zdravlju zaposlenih. U tu svrhu, stvorena je i deviza koja nas sve podsjeća na poštovanje procedura”. Ponosni smo na činjenicu nema povrede od juna prošle godine”, kazao je za CIN-CG menadžer zaštite okoline, zdravlja i sigurnosti Milan Kilibarda.

Izazova koje bi trebalo savladati nije malo. Intenzivan je saobraćaj kamiona, viljuškara i drugih vozila, u krugu i unutar pogona, rad za linijom koja u minuti puni stotine boca, ili u blizini hemikalija i uređaja pod visokim pritiskom i temperaturom nosi rizike i traži koncentraciju. Tu je i prenošenje tereta, električni napon, obavljanje poslova na visini, potencijalni lom stakla, klizav pod...

Ne samo za svako radno mjesto, već i za svaki radni potez na njemu propisana su pravila i potrebna zaštitna oprema. Propisi o zaštiti na radu grupe “Molson Coors“, kažu sagovornici CIN-CG, često su stroži od onih koji su zakonski obavezni u Crnoj Gori, jer kao internacionalna kompanija prate i primjenjuju najzahtjevnije svjetske i evropske norme.

Niko ne rizikuje da bude kažnjen

“Primjenjujemo najbolje operativne prakse upravljanja i usklađenost sa zakonskim zahtjevima, kao i sa internim politikama, standardima i procedurama. Sprovodimo redovne kontrole naših operacija radi ocjene usklađenosti. Nastojimo da stvorimo bezbjedno i zdravo okruženje za sve kupce, komšije, posjetioce i izvođače radova, sprečavajući oboljenja ili povrede, gdje god je to moguće”, tvrdi Kilibarda.

Predsjednik jedinog sindikata “Trebjese” Boro Delibašić kaže za CIN-CG da su zadovoljni odnosom uprave prema zaštiti na radu i zdravlju zaposlenih i da je cijeli sistem postavljen mnogo bolje nego prije 22 godine, kada je kompanija bila u državnom vlasništvu.

“Nema mnogo radnika iz tog perioda. Tehnologija je napredovala, kao i kvalitet zaštitne opreme, a propisi su usavršavani. Nekada se u pogonima moglo raditi i u papučama, a sada moramo da budemo u propisanoj opremi koja obuhvata od specijalne obuće, odjeće, fluorescentnih prsluka, do šljema, zaštitnih naočala i čepića za uši u pogonima gdje je buka”, kazao je Delibašić. On tvrdi da uprava još nije odbila neki zahtjev u vezi zaštite na radu, niti štedi na kvalitetu i obimu opreme.

Na pitanje, o tome da li je radnicima teško da se pridržavaju strogih propisa, on kaže da je disciplina na visokom nivou “ne samo zbog mogućih kazni, već zbog toga što je to u našem interesu”.

Kršenje propisa o zaštiti na radu, prema kolektivnom ugovoru, smatra se težom povredom radne discipline. Propisane su novčane kazne, a najblaža je tromjesečno umanjenje zarade 20 odsto. Najstroža je - otkaz. U protekle četiri godine samo je jedan radnik novčano kažnjen, jer nije nosio svu propisanu zaštitnu opremu.

Kada se novi radnik zapošljava u “Trebjesi”, prve dane provodi na predavanjima i obuci o zaštiti na radu, a zatim polaže testove u za to licenciranoj kompaniji. Nakon toga ima i internu obuku u fabrici. Tek, ako sve položi dobija ugovor o radu. Znanje se provjerava nakon 12 mjeseci, a ukoliko promijeni radno mjesto “polaže razliku predmeta”.

“Obezbjeđujemo treninge i razvijamo svijest zaposlenih kako bismo izgradili kulturu odgovornosti na svim organizacionim nivoima. Linijski menadžeri su odgovorni za bezbjednost i zdravlje svojih zaposlenih, kao i da osiguraju da su mašine i oprema sigurni. Svaki zaposleni odgovoran je, da zbog zaštite svoga zdravlja i bezbjednosti radi u skladu sa zakonskim zahtjevima i ustanovljenim procedurama. Svi zaposleni, izvođači radova iz drugih kompanija i posjetioci Trebjese moraju biti apsolutno svjesni i upoznati sa potencijalnim rizicima sa kojima se mogu susresti u raznim oblastima fabrike. Kao aktivni član Udruženja zaštite na radu Crne Gore, predvodimo talas podizanja svijesnosti o zaštiti na radu, u čemu ćemo, čvrsto vjerujemo, i uspjeti”, istakao je Kilibarda.

Pozitivne ocjene inspekcije zaštite na radu, kako je kazao Kilibarda, dodatno motivišu. Profesionalnu i pozitivnu saradnju sa Pivarom u odgovorima na pitanja CIN-CG,  potvrdili su i iz Inspekcije zaštite na radu. Višednevni nadzor jednom godišnje, pokazuje da je kompanija ispunila sve zakonske obaveze.

Uz podsjećanje da je Pivara i prije privatizacije dobijala priznanja za primjenu mjera zaštite na radu, iz inspekcije kažu da je, usklađivanjem nacionalnog zakonodavstva sa propisima EU, novim zakonom i podzakonskim aktima propisan veći nivo zaštite “koji kod ovog i drugih poslodavca mora da se sprovodi".

“Kada se promijeni neka norma iz zaštite na radu imamo sastanke i nove obuke. Ako se u bilo kojoj pivari iz grupe “Molson Coors“ desi neki incident i mi odmah dobijemo informaciju o tome i šta bi trebalo uraditi da se slično eventualno preduprijedi u našim pogonima. Obavještenja o tome postavljaju se na svim ulazima. Imamo neformalno takmičenje ko će duže biti bez nekog incidenta”, kaže Delibašić.

Od 18 kompanija “Molson Coorsa“ u Evropi na dan posjete novinara CIN-CG, duže bez povrede na radu od nikšićke pivare bile su samo češke kompanije  “Ostrava” sa 703 i “Smichov” sa 473 dana. U izvještaju na oglasnoj tabli detaljno je navedeno da se posljednji incident u ovoj poslovnoj grupi desio u pivari “Borsodi” u Mađarskoj, kada je vozač viljuškara prilikom silaska za vozila zakoračio u malo udubljenje na podu, izgubio ravnotežu i pao. Doktor je konstatovao iščašenje nožnog zgloba.

U posljednjem periodičnom izvještaju istaknutom u pogonima, navedena je i pohvala centrale predstavništvu za prodaju u distribuciju u Velikoj Britaniji koja je prešla 1.000 dana bez povrede radnika, kao i pivari “Ostrava” u Češkoj za 700 dana.

Cilj je - nula

Pivara “Trebjesa” je, kao članica “Molson Coors” grupe, u oktobru 2017. godine usvojila novu politiku zaštite životne sredine, bezbjednosti i zdravlja na radu, kojom su utvrđena tri glavna cilja – preventivnim djelovanjem svođenje broja povreda na nulu, podizanje svijesti o bezbjednosti, smanjenje uticaja na okolinu i sprečavanje zagađenja i umanjenje količine otpada koji odlažu na deponiju.

U maju 2018. usvojena je nova politika nabavke lične zaštitne opreme, kao rezultat dogovora menadžera zaštite i zdravlja na radu, rukovodstva kompanije, odjeljenja za ljudske resurse i sindikata.

“Velika novina bila je zamjena viljuškara koji su radili na gas novim na električni pogon. Kako su bešumni ugradili smo na njih zvučne i svjetlosne oglašivače. Vozač i radnici imaju na privjesku posebne uređaje veličine ključa za automobil, koji su povezani u sistem. Kada vozač viljuškarom ulazi u pogon pritisne dugme i svi radnici znaju da je tu. Ako se radnik nalazi na putanji viljuškara, takođe, sistem ga locira i vozilo samo usporava nekoliko metara ranije”, kaže Kilibarda.

Pregledi su obavezni

Zdravstveni pregledi u Trebjesi obavezni su jednom godišnje za zaposlene raspoređene na radnim mjestima sa povećanim rizikom i na tri godine za ostale. Sanitarni pregledi obavezni su svakih šest mjeseci za zaposlene koji dolaze u direktnu vezu sa proizvodom. U medicinskim kartonima zaposlenih nema profesionalnih oboljenja.

“Imamo dobru dugogodišnju saradnju sa Domom zdravlja iz Nikšića koji prati ovaj bitan proces”, naveo je Kilibarda.

Pravilnicima su predviđena i periodična ispitivanja sredstava za rad, opreme lične zaštite na radu i uslova radne sredine.

Burna istorija u 123 godine

Prvu pivaru u Nikšiću „Onogošt”, uz dozvolu knjaza Nikole, osnovao je 1896. godine Vuko Krivokapić, koji je iskustvo u pivarstvu stekao prilikom boravka u Sarajevu. Kasnije mu se pridružuju novi akcionari i pivara se širi. Nova pivara, pod imenom „Trebjesa”, izgrađena je 1908. Godine. Fabrika je tokom Prvog svjetskog rata izgorjela, a podrume je Austro-Ugarska pretvorila u zatvor. Obnova je nakon rata potrajala, pa je proizvodnja nastavljena tek 1931. godine.

Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, u kojem je ponovo oštećena, fabrika je nacionalizovana, a obnova i rekonstrukcija je trajala do 1956. godine. Nakon toga postala jedan od najznačajnijih pivskih brendova u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Prodata je 1997. godine belgijskoj kompaniji InterBrew za tadašnjih 25 miliona maraka. U trenutku privatizacije imala je 650 zaposlenih. Novi vlasnici su, usljed racionalizacije, uz otpremnine postepeno smanjivali broj zaposlenih.

InterBrew se 2004. godine spojio sa brazilskom pivarskom grupom AmBev, pa je Trebjesa postala dio nove grupe InBev. Investicioni fond CVC Kapital 2009. godine od InBeva kupuje sve njegove pivare u centralnoj i jugoistočnoj Evropi, uključujući i Trebjesu, za 2,3 milijarde eura. Naredne godine ova grupa postaje StarBrev.

Američko kanadska kompanija Molson Coors 2012. godine kupila je StarBrev za 2,3 milijarde dolara. Naredne godine novi vlasnik je otkupio sve manjinske akcije i postao jedini vlasnik, te Trebjesu iz akcionarskog transformisao u društvo sa ograničenom odgovornošću.

U okviru Molson Coors grupe postoji više od 90 brendova piva, a najpoznatiji su Coors Light, Molson Canadian, Carling, Staroplamen,... kao i regionalni Nikšićko, Ožujsko, Jelen i Apatinsko.

Goran KAPOR

Centar za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore (CIN-CG) će u periodu od 30. jula 2019. do 30. jula 2020. godine sprovesti projekat Zdravi i sigurni u privatnim i stranim preduzećima, uz podršku Ministarstva rada i socijalnog staranja. 

Projekat ima za cilj podizanje svijesti građana i drugih ciljnih grupa o poziciji zaposlenih u Crnoj Gori u preduzećima u privatnom vlasništvu i infrastrukturnim projektima, kao i veću vidljivost zaštite i zdravlja na radu. 

Predviđeno je da kroz ovaj projekat sprovedemo i objavimo više dubinskih istraživanja, kako bi osvijetlili ovu značajnu temu. Sva istraživanja baviće se ključnim pitanjima vezanim za radno okruženje i uslove rada, zaštitu radnika i poštovanje standarda. Istraživanja će se fokusirati na dobre i loše prakse, šta treba raditi kako bi se unaprijedila zaštita i zdravlje na radu i Crna Gora približila u ovoj oblasti Evropskoj uniji.

Jovan Nikitović, novinar dnevnih novina "Pobjeda", dobitnik je prve nagrade za istraživačko novinarstvo Evropske unije.

Druga nagrada pripala je Maji Boričić, novinarki Centra za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore i "Vijesti", dok su na trećem mjestu Dejan Milovac i Lazar Grdinić, iz Istraživačkog centra Mreže za afirmaciju nevladinog sektora (MANS).

Nikitović je nagrađen za serijal tekstova o nestanku i oštećenjima blaga iz Narodnog muzeja Crne Gore. Boričić je nagrađena za priču o tretiranju medicinskog otpada.

MANS-ovim autorima je nagrada pripala za istraživanje o donacijama građana i crnim fondovima tokom izbora u Crnoj Gori.

Milovac je kazao da su na priču za koju su nagrađeni ponosni, jer je dokumentovana zloupotreba državnih fondova i ono o čemu je javnost nezvanično znala.

"Nadamo se da smo ovim istraživanjem makar malo otežali izborne zlouopotrebe", kazao je on.

Boričić je kazala da je srećna jer je međunarodni žiri prepoznao značaj ove teme. Istraživanje je, kako je rekla, pokazalo da velike količine otpada nisu pod kontrolom institucija, ali i da veliki broj građana ne zna kako se pravilno rukuje otpadom.

Prvonagrađeni Nikitović kazao je da je serijal radio više mjeseci, da je bio suočen sa hiljadama stranica dokumentacije koju je trebalo provjeriti. Rekao je i da je tokom rada bio izložen pritiscima, ali da je serijal od više od 40 tekstova pokazao višegodišnji nerad i aljkavost institucija.

Ova priča, kaže, nije završena, dodaje da mu pristižu novi dokazi koji dosežu i 100 godina u prošlost, i najavljuje nastavke.

Damira KALAČ

Ustav Crne Gore, Zakon o radu, Konvencija o eliminisanju svih oblika diskriminacije žena, Istanbulska konvencija garantuju jednakost žena i muškaraca. No, u Crnoj Gori nijesu problem zakoni, već njihova primjena i  tradicija diskriminacije

Crnogorska tradicija je puna hvale i poštovanja za žene, koje su, kako fraza govori – stub, a muškarac je glava porodice. O tome da je taj ,,stub'' često bio preopterećen i preko granica izdržljivosti, u predanjima se malo spominje. Surovu stvarnost zabilježili su stranci koji su navraćali u naše krajeve, među njima italijanski putopisac Đuzepe Markoti koji u knjizi Priče o Crnogorkama iz 1896. godine navodi: ,,U trgovini Crne Gore žena je najomiljenije transportno sredstvo: jede manje od konja, ide prečicama kozjom okretnošću i sigurnošću, najbrža je''.

Iako su nam u tradiciji i prošlosti svijetli primjeri bili ekces, od njih se ne odustaje ni danas. Tako statistika govori da bi žene u Crnoj Gori trebale, uz neplaćen rad kod kuće, da rade preko devet sati da bi imale istu platu kao muškarci. U Vladinom Planu aktivnosti za postizanje rodne ravnopravnosti u Crnoj Gori (PAPRR) 2017-2021.piše da je razlika u zaradama između muškaraca i žena u Crnoj Gori 13,9 odsto – žene, za iste poslove, zarađuju samo 86,1 prosječne zarade isplaćene muškarcima.

Ono malo statistike i istraživanja, koja su rađena o ovom problemu, pokazuju da su žene većinski zastupljene u sektorima gdje su zarade niže od državnog prosjeka. Najviše ih je u trgovinama u kojima radi oko 40 hiljada radnika, odnosno svaki peti zaposleni - od ukupnog broja zaposlenih žena oko 86 odsto radi u uslužnim djelatnostima, a najviše ih je u trgovini (više od jedne četvrtine).

Da bi kao nekad, zaposlene u trgovinama imale bar jedan zagarantovan dan za odmor, Skupština je u junu usvojila izmjene Zakona o unutrašnjoj trgovini, kojim je predviđeno da se trgovina na veliko i malo ne može obavljati nedjeljom i praznicima. Izmjene stupaju na snagu 15. oktobra pa će prva neradna nedjelja za trgovine biti 20. oktobar. Međutim, ove nedjelje Unija poslodavaca Crne Gore (UPCG) podnijela je Ustavnom sudu inicijativu za ocjenu ustavnosti člana 35a Zakona o unutrašnjoj trgovini, kojim je propisano da se trgovina na veliko i na malo ne može obavljati nedjeljom i u dane državnih i drugih praznika.

Iz Unije poslodavaca Vijestima su kazali da smatraju da je ovaj član zakona nesaglasan sa članom 59 Ustava Crne Gore koji jamči slobodu preduzetništva koja se može ograničiti samo ako je to neophodno radi zaštite zdravlja ljudi, životne sredine, prirodnih bogatstava, kulturne baštine ili bezbjednosti i odbrane Crne Gore. Kako procedura odlučivanja Ustavnog suda traje od pola do dvije godine, radnici u trgovinama će bar neko vrijeme koristiti blagodeti novih zakonskih normi.

Ustav Crne Gore, Zakon o radu, Konvencija o eliminisanju svih oblika diskriminacije žena, Istanbulska konvencija... garantuju jednakost žena i muškaraca. No, u Crnoj Gori nijesu problem zakoni, već njihova primjena i  tradicija diskriminacije.

,,Formalno se garantuju jednake šanse i mogućnosti za oba pola, ali u realnosti su još uvijek vrlo jake tradicionalne pozicije i  uloge žena u porodici i društvu. Negativno utiču na sve aspekte života žena kako u javnoj tako i u privatnoj sferi. Posledično utiču i na zapošljavanje’’, kaže za Monitor Nada Koprivica, iz SOS telefona Nikšić.

Ona kaže da su pojedine korisnice SOS telefona Nikšić svjedočile da su na razgovorima za posao bile ispitivane o bračnom statusu, da li su trudne, planiraju li djecu...

Monitor je pisao o ,,standardnoj’’ proceduri prilikom intervjua za posao: ,,Prvo se gleda fizički izgled. Kad to zadovoljite slijedi kanonada pitanja: godine, da li ste u braku, imate li djece, planirate li djecu… Ako prođete taj test, onda se čude što ste sami, pa opet krene: planirate li brak, djecu…”, ispričala je jedna nezaposlena Podgoričanka.

Ljiljana Raičević iz Sigurne ženske kuće za Monitor kaže da žene koje se njima obrate uglavnom rade po nekoliko poslova: ,,Nikada to nijesu poslovi iz struke. Rade najteže poslove, ne biraju. A imamo profesorica, pravnica, arhitekticu, tehnologa... Dolaze nam i žene koje pokrivaju neka visoka radna mjesta i sve one pričaju da svojim šefovima pripremaju sve – od izveštaja do govora. Teško se izbore za bolju poziciju''.

Koprivica ističe da poseban problem predstavlja činjenica da su poslovi u domaćinstvu i dalje u najvećoj mjeri obaveza žena: ,,Država nema adekvatno razvijene servise za podršku (briga o djeci, briga o starima) što ženama onemogućava da na isti način kao muškarci učestvuju u društvenim i socijalnim aktivnostima koje su izuzetno značajne za lični razvoj i posledično utiču na mogućnost zapošljavanja i napredovanje na poslu’’.

Ljiljana Raičević kaže da kako na poslu, tako se i u porodici često dešava da žene ne mogu da se izbore za ravnopravam tretman: ,,Ipak, možda se nešto i počelo mijenjati prije deset godina. Ključni problem je što država ne preduzima ništa po ovom pitanju. Organizuju se s vremena na vrijeme neke konferencije o ovoj temi i  na tome se sve završava’’.

Posljednje istraživanje koje je rađeno o socio-ekonomskom statusu žena 2013. godine pokazalo je da su žene nakon dolaska sa posla čak do osam sati provodile u obavljanju kućnih obaveza. Istraživanje je pokazalo da se gotovo potpuno neuključivanje muškaraca u kućne obaveze, uz istovremeno poziciju donosioca odluka u porodici, prvenstveno percipira kao posljedica tradicije, patrijarhalnosti crnogorskog društva i vaspitanja.

Načelnica Odjeljenja za poslove rodne ravnopravnosti u Ministarstvu za ljudska i manjinska prava Biljana Pejović kazala je, početkom godine, za Pobjedu da nijesu imali dovoljno finansijskih sredstava da se intenzivnije bave pitanjem rodne ravnopravnosti u privatnom životu muškarca i žena, ali da će se ta situacija promijeniti.

Istraživanje koje je, uz podršku Ministarstva za ljudska i manjinska prava, SOS telefon Nikšić sproveo prije par mjesec sa mladima srednjoškolskog uzrasta (15 do 18 godina) u četiri grada - Nikšću, Šavniku, Žabljaku i Plužinama pokazalo je da njih dvije trećine smatra da postoje razlicita zanimanja za dječake i djevojčice. Obrazloženja su bila stereotipna, npr. zanimanja za dječake su, po njima, doktor, advokat, političar, a za djevojčice bolničarka, učiteljica, kozmetičarka, frizerka.

„Moj muž ne radi ništa. Gdje da ga vidi majka da nešto radi. Odmah bi mu rekla da je slabić“, jedna je od izjava u pomenutom istraživanju iz 2013. Međutim i tada su zabilježeni pozitivni trendovi, pa su žene mlađe generacije, do 35 godina, istakle borbu protiv patrijarhalnih odnosa i vrijednosti najznačajnijom za rodnu ravnopravnost. Navele su i da je za njih ova borba individualna i zavisi isključivo od žene - „svaka žena može da se izbori da bude ravnopravna“.

Da se stvari mijenjaju, govori i podatak da je prošle godine više od 400 muškaraca iskoristilo pravo na roditeljsko odsustvo.

,,Tradicionalne uloge koje su nametnute ženama nanose ogromnu štetu cjelokupnoj zajednici jer nijesu u dovoljnoj mjeri iskorišteni potencijali više od polovine stanovništva u Crnoj Gori. Sve dok se to ne desi neće biti moguće riješiti društvene, ekonomske i političke probleme i napredak za sve u Crnoj Gori’’, ističe Koprivica.

Bez Indeksa rodne ravnopravnosti 

Crna Gora još uvijek nema Indeks rodne ravnopravnosti, koji se obavezan u zemljama EU, u kojoj je ravnopravnost žena i muškaraca jedna od osnovnih vrijednosti. Indeks se sastoji od šest ključnih domena – rad, novac, znanje, vrijeme, moć i zdravlje, uz dva prateća – nailaženje na neravnopravnost i nasilje.

Iako su sporazum o saradnji za izradu Indeksa Ministarstvo za ljudska i manjinska prava i Monstat potpisali septembra 2016. još uvijek nije urađen, iako Monstat već četiri godine objavljuje publikaciju Žene i muškarci u Crnoj Gori.

Načelnica Odjeljenja za poslove rodne ravnopravnosti u Ministarstvu za ljudska i manjinska prava Biljana Pejović je početkom godine za Pobjedu izjavila da bi Monstat trebao da indeks rodne ravnopravnosti objavi do kraja ove godine: ,,Krenućemo u taj proces i mjerićemo gdje je po tom pitanju mjesto Crne Gore među razvijenim zemljama. Evropski institute za rodnu ravnopravnost se bavi tom statistikom’’, kazala je Pejović.

Možda je jedan od razloga zašto još nemamo ovaj Indeks činjenica da bi on otkrio ne samo rodnu neravnopravnost. Zamislite pravi indeks u kome je sve transparentno u domenu novac, pa da se objelodane podaci o sistemu zarada, dodacima, bonusima, nagradama, službenim putovanjima, radu u odborima, dodjeli stanova...

Predrag NIKOLIĆ

Watch full documentary "Envelope".

[youtube v="3x063X-oHoM"]

The High Court acquitted the defendants while the Appellate Court and the Supreme Court went even farther and ruled that no crime took place at all. Many years on, the government, in order to redeem itself, poured millions in the construction of new houses in Bukovica, to which no one returns except briefly, to vote in elections. Veselin Veljovic, the current director of National Police, was in the centre of the story as he was the chief of Pljevlja Police Department in the days of trouble. His role in the crimes has not been fully brought to light while his testimonies are controversial.

Six persons were killed, two committed suicide as a consequence of abuse and torture while hundreds of Muslims were expelled and their houses looted. All that took place in the early 1990s. The authorities in Montenegro and its top officials are still not ready to face the past in the way that would show responsibility by bringing the guilty to justice.

A small number of those who were indicted by the prosecution were later acquitted in court. The judiciary went even that far as to rule that no crime took place. Contradicting testimonies failed to clarify the role of the current National Police Director Veselin Veljovic, who back then was heading the police department in Pljevlja. Veljovic claims that his actions were lawful.

As in other similar cases, the authorities tried to cover up the atrocities by throwing money around. Some €4.5 million have been invested to build 110 houses and about 60 additional facilities in the area over the recent years. Allegedly, the goal is to revitalise the area. However, only six families live there around the year. The government didn’t answer the Centre for Investigative Reporting (CIN-CG) on whether it was pleased with the progress and results of the investment.

The representative of the Bukovica Association Jakup Durgut says that “the Government has accomplished nothing. The people have not returned. A number of them has yet to pick the keys to the new houses. Out of eight families who did return, two have left again. This people need support. The state has to guarantee the purchase of agricultural products and to maintain the roads. This ain’t place for living” Durgut told CIN-CG.

At the outset, there was an optimism, he says, but as time went on, the people realised that it was a waste of money. “I doubt that they have invested that much as they report. Many houses are still even without electricity. There is no transparency in this. It’s a lousy work.

In his book, Bukovica 1992-1995: Ethnic Cleansing, Crimes and Violence, the place is described as the only part in Montenegro which suffered ethnic cleansing in the 1990s. It states that in early 1992 twenty four villages were emptied of their population . From 1992 to 1995, six civilians were killed: Hajro Muslic (75), Ejub Muslic (28), Latif Bungur (87), Hilmo Drkenda (70), Dzafer Djogo (57) and Bijela Dzaka (70). Eleven men were abducted and taken to prison in Cajnice accross the border. Himzo Stovrag (67) and Hamed Bavcic (75) committed suicide after torture that they were subjected to. Almost the entire male population of the area was beaten up repeatedly. At least eight houses and the village mosque were burnt down and property looted. Other houses were destroyed as well. Some 125 families with 330 members were displaced.

Only the case of Dzafer Djogo, who worked on the maintenance of local roads ended up in court. However, the prosecutor labelled it as manslaughter, not a war crime. Majos Vreco was convicted while his accomplice Dragomir Krvavac was acquitted on insanity clause. The District Court in Bijelo Polje sentenced Vreco to 4.5 years in prison. Subsequently the High Court in Bijelo Polje increased the sentence to 14 years. Vreco served his sentence in Spuz Correctional Centre and in Foca Correctional Centre in Bosnia. While in prison, his sentence was reduced twice – the then Republic of Srpska President Nikola Poplasen reduced his sentence by ten months upon amnesty law and Montenegro's President Milo Djukanovic reduced his sentence by two years.

The mysterious role of police chief

“I don’t know how much he was personally involved, but he knew (what was going on) and he could have stopped it” says Durgut on the role of the then local police chief Veselin Veljovic. Allegations about Veljovic’s role in those events are contradictory, even though they come from the Bosniaks. Some witnesses in court said that Veljovic was leading the house searches. Durgut further quotes in his book a person who claimed that Veljovic had threatened to cut off his ears. On the other hand, in January 2006 after Veljovic was first time appointed director of National Police many raised concerns over his role in the Bukovica Case. Smail Hakija Ajanovic, the then chairman of the Pljevlja Islamic Community came to his rescue and said that Veljovic preserved peace and dignity of the people in Pljevlja and that no one else could have contributed more.

“Only lawful actions were taken to ensure stability, order and peace. The community was mixed thus particular efforts were made to preserve the multi-ethnic and religious harmony in the area“ is said in the reply of National Police to CIN-CG about Veljovic’s involvement back then. We sent questions to Director Veljovic on how he viewed his role in those events, whether he felt responsible for torture and expulsions, whether he personally took part in the same, whether he, as a policeman, found the perpetrators and whether the victims got justice. Instead of answering our specific questions we were referred to the letter of Ajanovic who, according to National Police, “denied the later attempts to tarnish the name and integrity of Police Director Veselin Veljovic as they were unfounded and malicious when it comes to the events in Bukovica. Ajanovic further explained the great contribution of the Veljovic-led police in preserving peace in those troublesome days”. The police reply ends with “Police Director Veselin Veljovic shared all his knowledge and findings in the court proceeding whereupon the defendants were acquitted of criminal responsibility”.

Veljovic was heading the police in Pljevlja from mid-October 1992 until the end of 1995. He testified in court in December 2010. He said that the proximity of Bosnia and Republic of Srpska and the raging hostilities in the area posed a security threat to both Muslims-Bosniaks and Orthodox. He also said that there were many paramilitary formations around, so the locals were rightfully concerned. The police had duty to keep things quite. He didn’t rule out a possibility of individual excesses on the part of police officers, but affirmed that the police was “a factor of stability, peace and order and it took action in search for illegal weapons hidden in houses or in relation to other criminal offences”.

“No police officer involved in those raids abused and mistreated the persons whose houses and facilities were searched, because none of the residents in Bukovica complained to me about the work and behaviour of the accused police officers ... It is clear to the police that SH hanged himself , but not out of fear or because he was petrified or beaten by the army and the police. He hanged himself for the reasons known to him only” said Veljovic in court.

Ramiz Sabanovic from the village of Klakorine gave his testimony to the Humanitarian Law Center (HLC) which was published in HLC’s book on Bukovica. It contradicts Veljovic’s version of events. He said that in February 1993, a group of soldiers and police officers toured Muslim homes and harassed the population. He says that soldiers and police broke into his house, dragged his wife Hatidja by the hair and knocked her down to the floor while he was beaten in another room and asked to show his money. He held up a wad of dinars in the countervalue of some 3,000 Deutschmarks which he earned from the sale of livestock. The officer examined the money but did not take it.

“Then a soldier with a dog approached me, I think his name was Aco Malinic. He released the dog which jumped on my chest and completely shredded my clothes but he kept it on the leash just enough to stop him short of killing me. The stress I suffered is beyond words to describe. After this, my wife and I were forced to make the sign of the cross on us and sing Chetnik (Serbian nationalist) songs and lick the knife blade. Afterwards, they drove us out of the house and chased us to a nearby stream saying that we either surrender our money or get slaughtered with barbed wire”- says Sabanovic.

Regarding the role of the police chief, a well-known TV Vijesti journalist Sead Sadikovic, who made numerous reports and a film about Bukovica, told CIN-CG, with distinctive irony that “Nothing but God’s providence sent Veselin Veljovic to Bukovica in the early 1990s. After the army left he controlled the area and it was then that most people moved out and saved their lives. Today they are in Gorazde, Sarajevo, Vienna, New York. As the war was spilling from Bosnia over to Bukovica, Veljovic was aware that he could not protect the Bosniaks. Thus he expelled them, but those are not my words though. I will be more precise and cautious: He helped him to go to a safer and better place - to exile. So the Bukovica Muslims should be grateful to the present police director. Even if he mildly spanked someone while he searched the houses for alleged illegal weapons that was for their own good, he meant no harm whatsoever”.

 

The courts turn blind to war crimes

In December 2007, the High Prosecution Office in Bijelo Polje launched an investigation on five former Yugoslav Army soldiers: Radmilo Djukovic, Radisa Djukovic, Slobodan Cvetkovic, Djordje Gogic, Milorad Brkovic and two Montenegrin police officers: Slavisa Svrkota and Radoman Subaric. After three years they were indicted for war crimes and subsequently fully acquitted.

The prosecution accused them of inhumane treatment, torture and violence they committed against Muslims during the raids of their houses in search for alleged illegal weapons.

The indictment stated that “they were checking whether the people fought in the Bosnian Green Berets, whether they offered the Green Berets shelter and food supply. The accused caused severe suffering and posed a threat to the lives and integrity of victims, intimidated them so to force them out of their houses and cause all the Muslims to leave the area”. The policeman were accused that they drove Himzo Stovrag to hang himself to escape further abuse and torture.

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The trial chamber at the Bijelo Polje High Court, presided by Judge Sefkija Decevic, acquitted them for lack of evidence. The court ruled that the Muslim community had left on its own because of the war in their proximity and not because of inhumane treatment on the part of the defendants. Serbs and Montenegrins left their homes as well. The ruling also says that some of the victims did not support the allegations of the indictment, while some spoke differently than in the investigation. It was also found that the army and the police acted “in accordance with the rules of service”, that the search of the houses was justified, because there were tips that weapons were hidden in some houses which were subsequently found, and their owners convicted of illegal possession of firearms.

The High Court concluded that no systematic or widespread attack on civilians had been proven, which is a prerequisite for the existence of a crime against humanity. The Appellate Court reversed the verdict two years later, acquitting the accused, but on the grounds that no crime at all was committed.

“The crime as presented in the indictment is not a crime, because it lacks one essential element - the rule of international law which the defendants broke“- as explained by Judges Radmila Mijuskovic, Milic Medjedovic and SvetlanaVujanovic . “The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, to which the Prosecutor relied in the Indictment, is not such an one, since the acts listed in the indictment were committed in 1992 and 1993, which was before the Rome Statute came into force (2002)” is further explained. The Supreme Court upheld the ruling in January 2013.

 

Sadikovic: They remake history with our tax money

Sadikovic says Bukovica research is one of the saddest he has done. “At first it was because of sad stories told by the victims. Then came the trial which was nothing but a farce. Lastly, the epilogue is tragicomic: “The victims come back and vote for their jailer, in all elections. They are won by a cottage in the middle of nowhere where they won’t bother to stay except on the very special ocassion- on the election day to give their vote to the former jailer” says Sadikovic.

Our tax money is used to re-write history, he says. Sadikovic’s film The Void shows people who come to Pljevlja from abroad to give their vote to Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) even though their families were tortured and abused by the same people who were in power then and now.

“The state planned to give away €4.5 million. Add the litigation costs and we arrive at €5-6 million of our tax money used to re-write biographies of those who ‘created the new Montenegro’”. This case will never be properly investigated as long as we have these guys in power” said Sadikovic.

He says that during his stay in Bukovica he was shocked to find out that both parties (victims and perpetrators) now behave as though nothing happened before.

“This is the key mistake! I’m afraid that it will happen. Those who learn not from history are doomed to repeat it. The remaining stigma prevents newer generations to learn from the past so to ensure that it never comes back. It’s funny when they say that the statute of limitations shall not apply to war crimes” concluded the well-known journalist.

In the interview with CIN-CG, lawyer Velija Muric said that Bukovica was “a war crime case that occurred in the area where no state of war was officially declared”.

“Many things were done so to de facto encourage the flight of the local population. The army and the police didn’t commit all the atrocities but they left the door open so that Bosniaks could easily fall prey to their local Serbian and Montenegrin neighbours. Some were found guilty of manslaughter but not of war crime against civilians and destruction of houses and mosques. Displacing the citizens of other ethnicity and faith, looting their property and killing innocent people is equal to genocide or ethnic cleansing” said Muric. He points our that a large number of Bosniaks fell prey to police brutality at the time.

“My objection to Montenegro is that it hasn’t investigated and identified those who either took part or failed to prevent the crimes in Bukovica. On the contrary, it happens that the responsible get promoted to high positions in the police. That will discourage anyone who contemplates to return. Without facing the past and dealing with the crime, things like investments in new houses for Bosniaks are absurd” concludes Muric.

Director of the Human Rights Action (HRA) Tea Gorjanc Prelevic points out that the Appellate Court’s ruling on the Bukovica Case is controversial. It’s a mistake that the court left the prosecutor’s indictment as it was and failed to convict the defendants for war crimes against civilians. The same, she recalls, was concluded by the European Commission’s legal expert Mauriyzio Salustro in the leaked report of December 2014 which was published by Vijesti.

Having analysed the Bukovica Case and the Deportation Case, Salustro concluded that the Appellate Court was completely wrong - that the defendants were not parties to the armed conflict and could not commit a war crime. The expert also found out that no war crimes case was launched by Montenegrin prosecutors. They only responded to criminal charges filed by individuals or institutions.

 

SPO PROBES EIGHT CASES

CIN-CG insisted to hear from the Special Prosecution Office (SPO) on the progress of their own War Crimes Investigation Strategy and the status of old and new cases. The reply was very short, just stating that they were still working on the cases.

The cases of Bukovica, Deportations and Kaludjerski Laz ended in acquittals. The Morinj Case ended with symbolic sentences. It’s a rule that only the lowest level soldiers get convicted. The prosecutors are now under renewed pressure from within and without so they launched investigations in four new cases.

According to the report of the Committee against Torture, the new cases are related to Kosovo, Croatia, Bosnia and Croatia again (southern theatre of war- the area of Dubrovnik).

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WAITING FOR GOVERNMENTS TO ENDORSE REGIONAL WAR CRIMES COMMISSION (RECOM)

Natasa Kandic of Serbian Humanitarian Law Foundation believes that the victims’ families are still humiliated.

“The big problem in Montenegro is that no one is convicted of war crimes. Just a very few are on trial.  This trend is similar to other countries in the region” Kandic told CIN-CG.

The problem is, as she points out, that the EU no longer requires the candidate states to face their dark past. “If the candidate states are not conditioned to take some responsibility, at least to make thorough lists of all victims, how then do you expect the rule of law to take roots in the region. Corruption and organised crime are important, but so are the crimes of the past” she said.

However, the European Commission openly endorsed the Regional War Crimes Commission (RECOM) in April this year. The governments of Bosnia and Croatia do not wish to support this initiative for the time being. RECOM was founded in 2008 by civil society organisations with the aim of regional reconciliation. According to their data, 130,000 people were killed and went missing in the wars.

“The problem in the region is that you have had more less the same people in power since the time of wars. The countries which suffered the most now maintain the distance and refuse to take part in the regional register of all victims” Kandic said.

Maja BORIČIĆ

Montenegrin judiciary shifts the blame from Milosevic’s state policy of terror in Kosovo, whose main protagonists were convicted by the Hague Tribunal, to a private who allegedly spun out of control

The High Court in Podgorica convicted Vlado Zmajevic from Niksic, Montenegro to 14 years of prison for killing four civilians in the village of Zheger(Albanian)/Zegra (Serbian) in Kosovo during the war. However, the Montenegrin judiciary rebuffed the earlier findings of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the Hague. Urged by the international community to produce results in the war crime cases and thereby fulfil at least something of Chapters 23 & 24 of the EU accession talks, the court in Montenegro indirectly exonerated the state policy of Slobodan Milosevic and his cronies which conducted a widespread campaign of persecution and terror against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. They ultimately had to stand trial in the Hague and ICTY convicted them to long-term prison.

CIN-CG investigation reveals that the Special Prosecution Office (SPO) also ignored the postulates in its own Strategy for Investigation of War Crimes. The experts believe the same. The Strategy emphasises that “the fight against war crimes impunity must be supported by more efficient investigations in accordance with international standards”.       

Goran Rodic, a lawyer with a great experience in the war crime proceedings, both in the Hague and in Montenegro, in the interview with CIN-CG points out to the European Convention on Human Rights and the practice of the European Court of Human Rights which go against the conduct of the Montenegrin judiciary and which may eventually reverse the Montenegrin verdict. Furthermore, the survivors of the village of Zheger/Zegra who had to face the war horrors have not come to terms with the trial outcome. They separately filed the criminal charges citing the names of other persons who committed the crime that Zmajevic was convicted of. They insist on the justice for their killed neighbours.

Former volunteer of the 3rd Battalion of the 175th Infantry Brigade of the Army of Yugoslavia (VJ), Vlado Zmajevic, was declared guilty by the first instance court on 5 June 2019. The case was originally investigated by the Serbian authorities and then handed over to Montenegro since Zmajevic was a citizen of Montenegro. The SPO accused him of “killing four Albanian civilians”- Imer Kadriu, Milazim Idrizi, and the Haziri couple (Qazim and Qamile) and he was further accused of “looting their property”.

Zmajevic had previously fought in the battle of Vukovar, Croatia. He had various jobs in the past and earned himself a criminal record, with a long history of serious illnesses. After his Kosovo “exploits” and alleged escape from the neuropsychiatric ward in Nis, he returned to Niksic. According to his family members, he worked there as an activist of the ruling party in electoral campaigns. Asked about this, the Niksic branch of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) first announced that it would send reply and then referred the CIN-CG reporter to the party headquarters, which did not respond before the publication.

Initially, Zmajevic was charged for murder of seven civilians. The SPO stated that he was “of sound mind and discretion” despite extensive medical records that denied the SPO allegation. The witnesses proposed by the prosecution all agreed that Zmajevic was seriously ill. There was nothing else that they could agree on. When the indictment was filed, the SPO reduced the number of Zmajevic's “victims” to four. Defence lawyer Ljiljana Koldzic told CIN-CG that it was done due to embarrassment as “their Serbian counterparts only sent them a document of the Military Security Agency (VBA) and an empty file without a shred of evidence”.

Even for those four people, the evidence offered by the Serbian authorities is questionable and rather looks as a cover-up of what was really going on in Zheger/Zegra and the rest of Kosovo. Furthermore, the ballistic report that allegedly linked the killings to the weapon issued to Zmajevic “had gone missing” never to be found.

The Special Prosecutor proposed eight former soldiers and one reserve officer as witnesses. They were in the same unit with the accused. Allegedly two of them were first hand witnesses of Zmajevic’s crimes. Moreover the prosecutor presented Zmajevic’s confession before the military tribunal in Prishtina on 3 April 1999 (wherein he allegedly admitted “only three kills”) and a report of the Military Security Agency, which looked more like a communist-era political pamphlet on the fight against enemies of the people, designed to shield the generals who, nevertheless, eventually ended up in the Hague to stand trial for the crimes in Zheger/Zegra and other atrocities in Kosovo.

Reserve Lieutenant Danijel Colic claims that he saw Zmajevic firing three bullets at Imer Kadriu, a local shepherd, only “because he was a Shiptar” (derogatory for Albanians). However, no one else of those present saw such a thing, let alone confirmed it in court. Neither the lorry driver who was next to the lieutenant, nor the other soldiers saw it. Allegedly Zmajevic ordered a group of soldiers who were 500 metres away from the spot to remove the corpse. Armend Kadriu, the son of the deceased, in a statement given in Kosovo to the Montenegrin prosecutor on 16 January 2017, claims that his father had “four gunshot wounds and two stab wounds, presumably inflicted by knife”. In the video, which the former defence lawyer, the late Slavomir Bozovic, showed to CIN-CG journalist, Colic was visibly under stress during the hearing in Belgrade, squirming, as if he was tied up and trying to get free. He “could not remember anything” but he “adhered to his earlier statements”. He said he “did not report to the authorities the killing of Kadriu, but only that his two soldiers went missing” who were most likely busy with looting of Albanian houses. Lieutenant Colic also said that he had no control over the troops under his command.

The key witness of Serbian and Montenegrin prosecutors, Damir Novic, by his own admission, has a long history of psychiatric illnesses and  “swallows a handful of pills every day”. Novic was allegedly present when Zmajevic killed Milazim Idrizi and Qazim Haziri in the courtyard of the Haziri house and then inside the house he killed Qazim’s wife Qamile when “... he stood over her and took the combat knife that has that jagged blade and he struck her in the forehead with that knife ... and he shot her in the head comrade judge, he wouldn’t wait”. In his earlier statement, Novic claimed that Zmajevic had struck the unfortunate woman twenty times with the knife. This is reinforced by Zmajevic's “confession” back in 1999 before the military tribunal when Zmajevic reportedly said that after killing the two men in a house yard with his automatic rifle, he “pulled a knife from the belt and struck the woman twice in the head ... and then fired a bullet at her”. The SPO repeats it in the indictment stating that Zmajevic struck Qamila with a knife “twice in the head and then fired two shots, one in the stomach and another in the chest from his automatic rifle ... and thereby killed her”.

The problem with those allegations is the post-mortem record of the Gjilan Police Department with attached photographic report, all made on 31 March 1999 and signed by five authorised officials. It shows that late Qamile had no knife wounds, as described by Prosecutor Lidija Vukcevic, her witness Novic and Zmajevic himself in his “confession”. Moreover, there was neither the gunshot wound in the chest area which the prosecutor added in her indictment nor the gunshot wound in the head as the key witness claimed. There was only a gunshot wound in the upper right hip and traces of blood around her right ear without further explanation of what had caused it. Had Zmajevic struck the woman in the forehead with his knife even once, as the prosecution claimed, the photograph of the unfortunate woman would have been largely different. The post-mortem report also describes the location of the killed Milazim and Qazim and the distance between them, as well as the location wherefrom it was fired at them. All that rebuts the testimony of Novic. Other witnesses either knew nothing or heard something from Novic. The military authorities in Leskovac pressed charges for the aforementioned killings against all those former soldiers who later turned up as “witnesses”. The court in Serbia then quietly dismissed the case and focused on Zmajevic only as he was a Montenegrin citizen.

What really happened in Zheger/Zegra at the end of March 1999?

The Special Prosecution Office claims that the crime occurred “during an armed conflict between members of an armed military organisation, the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and members of the Yugoslav Army”, and that Zmajevic spun out of control and killed civilians who did not participate in the hostilities.

The Hague Tribunal (ICTY) gives a completely different description of the events in the final ruling of 23 January 2014 against Milosevic’s Kosovo Commissioner Nikola Sainovic, Generals Nebojsa Pavkovic, Vladimir Lazarevic and Sreten Lukic for crimes committed against Kosovo Albanians in 1999, including the one in Zheger/Zegra. Sainovic was sentenced to 18 years, Pavkovic (Third Army commander) to 22, Lukic (chief of Kosovo MUP staff) to 20, and Lazarevic (chief of the Pristina Corps staff) to 14 years in prison. The Appeals Chamber upheld the Trial Chamber's ruling that in Zheger/Zegra “the Yugoslav Army and the Ministry of Interior (MUP), along with other irregular forces, expelled Kosovo Albanians from the village either directly or by threats, with beatings and killings, creating an atmosphere of fear”, whereby the accused in the case committed “deportation as a crime against humanity; other inhumane acts (forcible transfer) as a crime against humanity”. The Hague tribunal found that there was no KLA presence in the area at the time, which was often used as a pretext for the terror campaign against the majority Albanian population.

The KLA war logs record no presence in the area, let alone clashes with the army and the police. The only KLA member from the village and a former Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) officer, Agim Ramadani, fought at Koshare border post at the time and he fell there on 11 April 1999. A prosecution witness in the Hague Qamil Shabani from Zheger/Zegra said in the Tribunal that “paramilitary forces, with the help of local Serbs, went to some of the houses in this village looking for prominent locals to kill them” which was a standard form and prelude to mass ethnic cleansing. The Hague Tribunal found that the crime was pre-meditated and planned at the highest level. Moreover, according to many witnesses, the terror campaign was preceded by systematic racketeering of the population at the hands of local police and party officials of Milosevic’s SPS as the Zhegrans had a large and well-off diaspora in Switzerland.

During the Hague trial, Generals Pavkovic and Lazarevic each attributed to himself the merit of arresting Zmajevic and six others and sentencing them to long prison terms (allegedly Zmajevic was sentenced to 20 years) and referred to the aforesaid carefully crafted military intelligence report (VBA Official Note VP 1037 Nis No. K-470 dated 23 April 2005), which was also admitted by the Montenegrins into evidence. The Hague dismissed their allegations and evidence as untrue.

Now apart from the Hague Tribunal, on 14 February 2006, Zheger/Zegra residents pressed criminal charges before the Gjilan Prosecution Office. They listed the following names as the orchestra of death: Zheger/Zegra Community Centre chairman Momcilo Mihailovic, local police deputy chief Milan Milenkovic, Serbian Radical Party (SRS) official Pera Stojanovic and high inspector of the state security department (RDB) in Gjilan Sinisa Pavic. The Zhegrans claim that those individuals “updated and completed the kill lists with persons of note, political officials, intellectuals, teachers, persons with deep patriotic and national feelings...”. The Zhegrans also gave the names of people who, according to them, directly executed the prominent locals, including those that Zmajevic was accused of, so to force and scare the population to flee to Macedonia. They are a reserve police officer at the local police station Stanko Petkovic, the brother of the aforementioned Seselj's SRS official Rade Stojanovic and member of the Gjilan State Security Department Jovan Stojanovic - all from Zheger/Zegra.

The Montenegrin court and prosecution refused to invite the local signatories to testify in court. Other motions by the defence lawyer to summon the locals who testified in the Hague and to admit the final verdicts of the Tribunal into the case file were rebuffed as well.

“Everything was rejected without an explanation. They just said ‘not accepted’”. The presiding judge went that far as to warn me that he would no longer allow me to mention the Hague verdict on pretence that it was irrelevant. Lo and behold, it’s quite the opposite because the persons were convicted precisely for the events in the village of Zheger/Zegra,” said lawyer Koldzic in the interview with CIN-CG.

The SPO proposed, and the court accepted, to invite only the families of the victims as witnesses on the Kosovo Albanian side. Nevertheless all of them save one were in Switzerland during the war and had no first hand knowledge of the crimes. It’s worth noting the statement of Muhadin Haziri, the son of the late Qazim and Qamile, given on 16 January 2017 in Kosovo before the Montenegrin prosecutor. He said that his cousin Fitim (whom Zmajevic allegedly pursued and broke into the house of the Haziris and killed his parents and uncle there) told him that he - Fitim, the Haziri couple and his uncle Milazim were taken to the police station before the massacre and interrogated. They were released, he says, only after Qazim Haziri had given a thousand German marks to the investigators. Later, the same persons from the police station appeared in front of the house of the Haziris (two of them) and one of them killed his parents and uncle. This is in line with what the Zhegrans claimed (before the Gjilan District Prosecutor) that powerful Serbs in the area targeted more prominent people, extorted money, drafted lists of those who ought to be killed and then sent police and security officers, who knew where to find them, to finish with them. Qamil Shabani told the same thing in his testimony before the Hague Tribunal.

The Haziris were a distinguished family. Milazim Idrizi, a local professor was a man of honour as well. The school in Zheger/Zegra is named after him. Furthermore Tahir Tahiri, the local leader of Rugova's Democratic Alliance of Kosovo (LDK) was killed. The reputable Ukshini couple suffered the same fate. Zmajevic was also charged for the last three kills at the beginning of the investigation. Altogether 13 people were killed in the village.

It is hard to believe that Zmajevic, who previously lived in Zrenjanin and had never been to Zheger/Zegra before, knew who the most prominent and wealthiest people were in the village and where they lived. It is even less likely that local police, secret service (RDB) and Socialist Party chiefs would allow him to racketeer people before they do so. The Hague Tribunal found, as stated in its final verdict, that the top Serbian authorities had planned to conduct a campaign of terror and expulsion of the population. Thus freelancers like Zmajevic would not have a chance to act solo, except on the sidelines to pick up any valuables left after police and state security “swept the ground”.

At best, Zmajevic could have been tried for looting and destruction of property together with other “witnesses” who said that they were not stealing anything but only collecting valuables by the roads that the expelled Albanians had thrown off.

The Serbian state authorities wanted to reduce the state sponsored crime of deportation, killings and robbery to the excesses of a sick man from Niksic, while the Montenegrin counterparts helped them to look so. On the other hand Montenegro pays lip service to Euro-Atlantic values, the rule of law and the right to a fair trial.

Rodic: Only “Small Fish” Get Convicted   

Podgorica-based lawyer Goran Rodic, in the interview with CIN-CG, expressed his astonishment at the Montenegrin judiciary’s approach to the Zmajevic case. “If the defence presents evidence to substantiate its allegations and points out that the same were admitted in the Hague and if the final verdict, the case files and the witnesses in the Tribunal are relevant to the case in Montenegro then such proposals are justified. Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights states that the accused must be allowed to present evidence and witnesses that go in his favour. The jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, the Constitutional Court of Montenegro and the regular courts indicate that the accused has the right to do so. On those grounds the verdict can be successfuly appealed- when the accused is denied his rights either entirely or in part during the proceeding” Rodic said to CIN-CG. It is “general impression in the public” that Montenegro’s judiciary prosecutes and convicts only “small fish” for war crimes, while “big fish” get away, says lawyer Goran Rodic. However, according to him, there are certain limitations when it comes to thorough and successful investigations. The events took place long time ago hence it is hard to reconstruct them, witnesses pass away etc.

Jovo MARTINOVIĆ